Dignity, National Honor & Nuclear Nationalism
The Persian word for dignity is sherafat; it has deep roots in Persian culture and it is frequently used along with respect (ehteram). When it comes to connecting the nuclear narrative to Iranian dignity and national honor, Iranian officials and media draw on analogies from important periods of Iranian history. The 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchai with Russia and the Oil Nationalization Movement of the late 1940s and early 1950s are such examples. As a result of the 1828 treaty, Iran lost much of its territory in Central Asia, was forced to grant commercial privileges and extra-territorial rights to Russian subjects, and had to accept Russian demands on its sovereignty and independence. Iranians regard the Treaty of Turkmenchai as one of the most humiliating events in their long history; reference to it is intended to delegitimize any current efforts aimed at compromise. Iranian diplomats refer to the suspension of nuclear research as “a scientific Turkmenchai.”
With increasing international sanctions and isolation, the Iranian regime must find a suitable way of its nuclear straitjacket. Tehran and Washington have constructed narratives of each other to fit an idealized picture of an enemy since the hostage crisis ended on January 20, 1981. The United States and the Islamic Republic have confronted one another through a series of insults, terrorist operations, and military threats. But the reality on the ground is very different and three decades of mutual satanization has caused significant damage to their international credibility and legitimacy. Pro-war voices from Tel Aviv and Washington project an image of Iran bent on achieving nuclear supremacy at any cost.
But there is no military solution here, even though it seems that the United States and Israel have opted for a doctrine of silence by engaging in covert operations inside Iran, assassinations of nuclear scientists, and a possible involvement in the massive explosions in a missile base near Tehran, and the nuclear facility near Isfahan. These actions will only deepen the sense of paranoia in Tehran, making it impossible for them to engage in any serious negotiations.
Certainly no country likes to be publicly humiliated, which is why discussions of conflict resolution so often involve face-saving. The difficult line to navigate here is how to address Iran’s dignity without undermining the legitimate security interests of all parties involved.
With increasing international sanctions and isolation, the Iranian regime must find a suitable way of its nuclear straitjacket. Tehran and Washington have constructed narratives of each other to fit an idealized picture of an enemy since the hostage crisis ended on January 20, 1981. The United States and the Islamic Republic have confronted one another through a series of insults, terrorist operations, and military threats. But the reality on the ground is very different and three decades of mutual satanization has caused significant damage to their international credibility and legitimacy. Pro-war voices from Tel Aviv and Washington project an image of Iran bent on achieving nuclear supremacy at any cost.
But there is no military solution here, even though it seems that the United States and Israel have opted for a doctrine of silence by engaging in covert operations inside Iran, assassinations of nuclear scientists, and a possible involvement in the massive explosions in a missile base near Tehran, and the nuclear facility near Isfahan. These actions will only deepen the sense of paranoia in Tehran, making it impossible for them to engage in any serious negotiations.
Certainly no country likes to be publicly humiliated, which is why discussions of conflict resolution so often involve face-saving. The difficult line to navigate here is how to address Iran’s dignity without undermining the legitimate security interests of all parties involved.
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